Caste in Contemporary India: Beyond Organic Solidarity -Pauline Kolenda
One of the books which we referred for our study was “Caste in Contemporary India: Beyond Organic Solidarity.” By Pauline Kolenda which gave introduction by quoting other references-
She starts her essay by the quoting important arguments from research already done in the same area:
- “Caste cannot be abolished in India, and to attempt, it would be of one of the most hazardous operations that was ever performed in a political body. As a religious institution caste will die, as a social institution, it will live and improve”. (Max Muller 1869:353)
- Max Weber’s “The Religion of India” originally published in 1921, was a particularly scholarly and persuasive argument that Hinduism and the caste system- supported by Hindu beliefs in rebirth, retribution, and reward for meritorious and sinful behavior- would function as obstacles to modern capitalism and industry.
- Gunnar Myrdal, sees the caste system as an obstacle to economic and political modernization (Myrdal 1972:80,147,177). In contrast, others have found the caste system to be flexible and adaptive, most notably, the anthropologist, Milton Singer (1972, 1973) and the historical sociologist, Barrington Moore, Jr. (Moore, 1966:334).
In this book, both the constancies and the adaptations of the Indian caste system are discussed. The constant feature in caste is its kinship or descent- group structure. On the other hand, a key feature which adapts or is, in some instances, in decline in occupational specialization. The caste system represented by a set of interdependent artisans or servants is in decline. Showing signs of decline also is the system of purity and pollution which ranked castes relative to each other and kept them separate from one another.
The author thinks that, whether there will be a new integration into a new caste system is a key question. She says that evidence suggests a new caste system would have a competitive solidarity, as fused combinations of castes compete with one another which is in contrast to the cooperative but hierarchical organic solidarity of the traditional caste system.
According to her, few, if any, castes in India are entirely modernized. A single caste extending over a region usually includes within its segments that still operate within the traditional caste systems and others which are modernized.
She states that the networks within a caste which are related to the modern sector are a kin- community. It may or may not be organized as a voluntary association. R.S. Khare’s “The Changing Brahmins”, describes the kin community of the Kanyakubja Brahmins which is organized as a caste association with a newspaper and annual meetings. The primary purpose of such an organization appears to be the maintenance of the connubium and the castes’ subculture and sense of identity. It does not have any important political activities (Khare, 1970).
On the other hand, educated caste members with modern occupations may organize as a pressure group or even a political party. As such, a caste association can compete as a corporate body with other pressure groups for political and economic resources. This type of organization represents a new kind of solidarity, a competitive equilibrium. Needless to say, the competing units need not be caste structures. They could be based on other solidarities- regional, linguistic, professional or social class.
She feels that during the period of “organic solidarity”, when there was a cooperative caste system, castes tended to fission, as sub-sections wished to gain a higher status than their caste fellows through Sanskritization or through obtaining wealth or power. Under a system of competitive solidarity the reverse occurs, and processes of fusion of sub castes and fusion of castes tend to take place. Three kinds of fusion can be identified-
- On the job and in newer neighborhoods, persons of different sub castes and of different castes meet; they are usually of approximately equal caste rank. Neighborhood or office group solidarity (Khare, 1973) develops. Barriers between the top 3 castes in Bengal were lowered during the 19th century because they shared government jobs and came to form inter-caste social groups.(Broomfield 1968:15)
- Second, inter- sub caste marriages takes place- promoting a fusion of sub castes. It may be essentially difficult to find a sufficiently educated bridegroom for an educated daughter within her own sub caste, but one might be found in a neighboring sub caste.
- Third, democratic politics foster the fusion of sub castes and of adjacent castes in order for parties of substantial size to form.
She concludes by saying that, “In all 3 stages, the basic social segment has been the endogamous descent group, the kinship nature of which has changed less than its ritual, economic and political functions. The descent- group structure has persisted although its functions have differed in the contexts first of mechanical solidarity, then of competitive solidarity. A new system of competitive descent- groups is emerging as modern economic benefits and political power are prizes to be won rather than inheritances ascribed by birth. In the political and economic spheres of modern Indian life, ascribed rights are being replaced by goals achieved through competitive achievements. Yet the descent group persists in modern India, although the segment is a segmentary one; rather than an organic one”.
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