14 | January | 2010 | Casteonweb's Blog

Caste in Contemporary India: Beyond Organic Solidarity -Pauline Kolenda

One of the books which we referred for our study was “Caste in Contemporary India: Beyond Organic Solidarity.” By Pauline Kolenda which gave introduction by quoting other references-

She starts her essay by the quoting important arguments from research already done in the same area:

“Caste cannot be abolished in India, and to attempt, it would be of one of the most hazardous operations that was ever performed in a political body. As a religious institution caste will die, as a social institution, it will live and improve”. (Max Muller 1869:353)

Max Weber’s “The Religion of India” originally published in 1921, was a particularly scholarly and persuasive argument that Hinduism and the caste system- supported by Hindu beliefs in rebirth, retribution, and reward for meritorious and sinful behavior- would function as obstacles to modern capitalism and industry.

Gunnar Myrdal, sees the caste system as an obstacle to economic and political modernization (Myrdal 1972:80,147,177). In contrast, others have found the caste system to be flexible and adaptive, most notably, the anthropologist, Milton Singer (1972, 1973) and the historical sociologist, Barrington Moore, Jr. (Moore, 1966:334).

In this book, both the constancies and the adaptations of the Indian caste system are discussed. The constant feature in caste is its kinship or descent- group structure. On the other hand, a key feature which adapts or is, in some instances, in decline in occupational specialization. The caste system represented by a set of interdependent artisans or servants is in decline. Showing signs of decline also is the system of purity and pollution which ranked castes relative to each other and kept them separate from one another.

The author thinks that, whether there will be a new integration into a new caste system is a key question. She says that evidence suggests a new caste system would have a competitive solidarity, as fused combinations of castes compete with one another which is in contrast to the cooperative but hierarchical organic solidarity of the traditional caste system.

According to her, few, if any, castes in India are entirely modernized. A single caste extending over a region usually includes within its segments that still operate within the traditional caste systems and others which are modernized.

She states that the networks within a caste which are related to the modern sector are a kin- community. It may or may not be organized as a voluntary association. R.S. Khare’s “The Changing Brahmins”, describes the kin community of the Kanyakubja Brahmins which is organized as a caste association with a newspaper and annual meetings. The primary purpose of such an organization appears to be the maintenance of the connubium and the castes’ subculture and sense of identity. It does not have any important political activities (Khare, 1970).

On the other hand, educated caste members with modern occupations may organize as a pressure group or even a political party. As such, a caste association can compete as a corporate body with other pressure groups for political and economic resources. This type of organization represents a new kind of solidarity, a competitive equilibrium. Needless to say, the competing units need not be caste structures. They could be based on other solidarities- regional, linguistic, professional or social class.

She feels that during the period of “organic solidarity”, when there was a cooperative caste system, castes tended to fission, as sub-sections wished to gain a higher status than their caste fellows through Sanskritization or through obtaining wealth or power. Under a system of competitive solidarity the reverse occurs, and processes of fusion of sub castes and fusion of castes tend to take place. Three kinds of fusion can be identified-

On the job and in newer neighborhoods, persons of different sub castes and of different castes meet; they are usually of approximately equal caste rank. Neighborhood or office group solidarity (Khare, 1973) develops. Barriers between the top 3 castes in Bengal were lowered during the 19^th century because they shared government jobs and came to form inter-caste social groups.(Broomfield 1968:15)

Second, inter- sub caste marriages takes place- promoting a fusion of sub castes. It may be essentially difficult to find a sufficiently educated bridegroom for an educated daughter within her own sub caste, but one might be found in a neighboring sub caste.

Third, democratic politics foster the fusion of sub castes and of adjacent castes in order for parties of substantial size to form.

She concludes by saying that, “In all 3 stages, the basic social segment has been the endogamous descent group, the kinship nature of which has changed less than its ritual, economic and political functions. The descent- group structure has persisted although its functions have differed in the contexts first of mechanical solidarity, then of competitive solidarity. A new system of competitive descent- groups is emerging as modern economic benefits and political power are prizes to be won rather than inheritances ascribed by birth. In the political and economic spheres of modern Indian life, ascribed rights are being replaced by goals achieved through competitive achievements. Yet the descent group persists in modern India, although the segment is a segmentary one; rather than an organic one”.

2010: 01/14
CATEGORY: Caste
Cities
Democracy
Hinduism
Human Rights
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A caste in a changing world – Frank F. Conlon

The Chitrapur Saraswat Brahmins (1700-1935)

In this book author wanted to study how the caste is changing and transforming in the urban setup. He had case studied Chitrapur Saraswat Brahmins.
He narrates his ideas as …
“The story may well be a source of legitimate pride, for it is in many ways a chronicle of a progressive and adaptive community whose ancestors often made great sacrifices to accommodate changing circumstances. What appears here reflects my interest in the corporate identity of the Saraswats and how it and they changed and affected change during the past two and a half centuries.”
The study is both a history of a caste and an illustration of some varieties of social and economic changes produced in India by British rule. This book gives insights into the way members of a caste could adapt to new conditions while endeavoring to preserve and strengthen their social unit. It also attempts to present evidence against the view that India’s “traditional” society and culture were static and changeless. Making allowances of the particular circumstances of the Saraswats in social status and geographical locals, one must still observe that their boundaries, internal institutions and occupations were the subjects of almost continuous alterations and adaptation, even in times which Saraswats themselves regarded as periods of hidebound traditionalism.
He also points out the importance of external forces, at the time when British colonial administrative policies and practices were a major element, decisions to employ local men in district administration, to transfer North Kanara to Bombay, or to not build a railroad to Karwar, all created opportunities and problems for Saraswats. Government services did provide new openings for some Saraswats who mastered the new techniques and language of the emerging bureaucracy. Learning the new knowledge did not turn Saraswats away from their religious and social traditions. Rather, they contributed their skills and a portion of their wealth for the betterment of Shri Chitrapur mathas and its swamis.
Author also speaks about the education system, as he says, “Guruparampara” was a spiritual link which served to confirm the castes’ brahmanical status- an important consideration for an immigrant community. At the same time, it provided a mode of communication and social control among the Saraswat settlements scattered up and down the west coast of Kanara. The subsequent growth and elaboration of the matha and the caste temples during the 19th century reveal the constructive potencies of orthodoxy during a period of Indian history when most historians have concentrated upon a few widely visible critics and reformers of a modern persuasion.

He also explains the concept of purer brahmanical standards wit the reference to sea-voyage. He explains, “In the Saraswat jati’s experience, the sea-voyage controversy was magnified because Shrimat Pandurangashram Swami, the castes’ guru from 1864 to 1915, was himself attempting to reform and revitalize his flock’s religious and social life in precisely the opposite direction from the reformers. He promoted a purer brahmanical standard of behavior just as Narayan Chandavarkar was exploring the potentialities of modern rationalism”.
The alienation of the matha from the growing segment of urban laity was as much a reflection of the relatively limited resources of early Saraswat migrants as it was a result of their independence of mind and spirit produced by breathing free air of modern metropolis.
When the author looks at the social context and social costs of reform, he feels that one is struck by difficulties faced by all but a very few well-to-do families, and even those families would be dependent upon the jati when marriages are to be arranged. The overall decline of support for the matha reflects the turning away of the urban Bhanaps to new concerns and enterprises.

The author concludes his study by saying that:
“The urbanization of the Saraswats may be seen to reveal a diverse set of motivations and patterns. Migration for education, as from Mangalore to Madras, or in employment, as from Kumta to Hubli, will be familiar enough. But it is unexpected that the growth of the colony in Bombay would be as much the product of economic and educational failure as of success. The strangeness of the metropolis was combated by residential clustering which eventually produced the most substantial concentration of Bhanaps at any time in the castes’ history. This was confirmed by the emergence of voluntary associations: a cooperative bank, housing society, which was predicated upon caste membership. In light of the excommunications and alienation surrounding the reform controversies, the urban Saraswats postulated a caste identity based not upon the purity of ritual standing but upon the “natural identity” of being born a Saraswat. By the 1920’s the initiative within the caste had clearly shifted to its urban segment. Yet, influenced by stressful conditions, relocated elders and the compelling personality of Anandashram Swami, and given a lead by several skilled and energetic individuals, the Saraswats renewed and revitalized their allegiance and support for Shri Chitrapur Matha. It was not the end of the story, but a prelude to a new epoch”.